Chinese international students in Australian universities have comeunderthespotlight in recent months. This is not surprising; there are more than 131,000 university students from the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in Australia, accounting for almost 40 per cent of all international students in the higher education sector.
2015 was an interesting year for Australian start-ups in the People’s Republic of China (PRC). In mid-June, the Shanghai stock market collapsed, losing nearly 30 per cent and more than US$2.8 trillion in value within a month. China’s early stage venture investing market then turned from a euphoric bubble to a freezing low. But few could have guessed that merely a year later in 2016, Chinese venture capital commitments would exceed US$50 billion, nearly matching the United States for the first time.
Australia’s relationship with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) is increasingly complex and difficult to navigate. Recent media reports about PRC government influence in this country have demonstrated this complexity, touching on different segments of Australian society. This issue of PRC government influence peddling is not just a question of the reported influence on some sections of the political and educational elite in Australia. Of equal importance in its extent and immediacy is the targeting of Chinese-Australians with the same style of influence. This must be addressed, but it can only be tackled through engaging fully with the Chinese-Australian community.
When NSW Senator Sam Dastyari resigned from the opposition front bench in September 2016 he had broken no Australian electoral laws or any formal rules of the NSW Labor Party. Rather his resignation, for allowing an entity with alleged links to the People’s Republic of China (PRC) to pay a $1,600 travel debt, was the result of a swift and vocal public backlash.
China is increasingly seen as both good and evil in the common narrative which prevails in Australia. This ambivalent feeling is reflected in the recent Lowy Institute poll which showed that while a majority of people think China is more of an economic partner than a security risk, almost half (46%) still worry that it remains a potential military threat.
Ships from the American, Indian and Japanese navies will gather in the Bay of Bengal for Malabar 2017 later this month. The wargames come six months after Canberra formally asked the Indian defence ministry to consider permitting observer status to a handful of Royal Australian Navy vessels, and mere weeks after that request was denied. The consolation reportedly offered by Delhi was that Australian officers could watch the maneuvers from the decks of the participating countries’ ships. That wasn’t the outcome Australia was after, but it’s still a small step in the right direction. While the expanded Malabar exercise was a one-time matter of contention in the Sino-Australian relationship, Canberra should continue to push for its resurrection.
“You can’t be what you can’t see”. These seven short words from American activist Marian Wright Edelman explain so simply, yet profoundly, the remarkable importance of diverse and fair representation in society. It’s a phrase that encapsulates one of the key problems of the “bamboo ceiling”: the idea that there exists an invisible barrier in our labour force that prevents Asian talent from breaking through into leadership positions.
Is Australian sport a community or a commodity? Whichever it may be, can you sell it to China? On 14 May 2017 the Australian Football League will host its first match in China for premiership points. In Australia, passion for sport has the ability to unite people like few other interests. Chinese Premier Li Keqiang recently exemplified this. He was pictured donning both teams’ scarves at an AFL match during his latest visit to Australia. The question is, however, will AFL work in China?
In May 2016, US President Barack Obama made the case for passing the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). “America should write the rules”, Obama said, “America should call the shots”. For if America did not write the global trade and investment rules, China would.